Posters for Master Production Artistica, UPV
Design and Communication course - Objetame 2009
Sunday, December 20, 2009
Saturday, November 21, 2009
Get Well Religious Quote
"APPLE DIGITAL" last work in Master in Artistic Production - digital design and interface
Pokemon Yellow On Gpsphone
my graphic design work
cartel "MIGRATION"
cartel "Mokra robota - wet work"
(in Polish is double sense:
1
dirty at work 2 work involving corruption among, drugs itp ..)
poster for the World Cup in South Africa
Poster for the World Cup in South Africa
Poster for the World Cup in South Africa
cartel "Saddam Hussein"
cartel " Cristina "
cartel" Francisco "
cartel" Racism-stop
paqueging 1
paqueging 2
paqueging 3
flayer
señalizacion
papeleria un menu
design of a CD - classical music
brochure for the exhibition of Robert Capa
a book cover
"Romeo and Julia"
cartel "MIGRATION" 
cartel "Mokra robota - wet work" (in Polish is double sense:
1
dirty at work 2 work involving corruption among, drugs itp ..)
poster for the World Cup in South Africa 
Poster for the World Cup in South Africa 
Poster for the World Cup in South Africa 
cartel "Saddam Hussein" 
cartel " Cristina "
cartel" Francisco "
cartel" Racism-stop 
paqueging 1 
paqueging 2 
paqueging 3 
flayer 
señalizacion 
papeleria un menu 
design of a CD - classical music 
design of a CD - stories for children
brochure for the exhibition of Robert Capa 
a book cover "Romeo and Julia"
Thursday, September 3, 2009
Milena Velba Milk Park
229) USP, at 70
USP has been distinguished in a ranking of best universities in the world.
Below I did a review of a book prepared on the occasion of his first 70 years well lived ...
A venerable, but a young lady: USP at 70
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Review:
Shozo Motoyama (ed.):
USP 70: Images of a lived history
(São Paulo: University São Paulo, 2006, 704 p.; ISBN: 85-314-0953-5; other authors: Ana Maria Pinho Milk Gordon, Edson Emanuel Simões, Fernando Camelier, Marilda Nagamine, Pedro de Luna Vargas and Renato Teixeira) The
USP is undoubtedly the only university in Brazil in terms of figuring in a good position in the lists of world's best universities. According to a classification (Shanghai Jiao Tong University, the China), it ranks 71 th in the ranking of universities in the Americas, but that number doubles when inserted into a global list. This is undoubtedly a great performance at the regional and international levels, it is among the universities "average" American. The USP is in any case, responsible for at least a quarter of Brazilian scientific production for over quarter of doctors trained each year and almost a fifth of the volume of masters graduates.
can, in any event, consider these numbers as a result more significant than for a university that recently completed seventy years, approaching, therefore, the average age of the Brazilian. His "life expectancy", however, was uncertain when it was established in 1934, succeeding to a remarkable effort expended by the Paulista elites to compensate for the fact of defeat and federal intervention as a consequence of defeat imposed on the constitutional revolution of 1932. At that time, the creation of the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters had to do based on the importation of brains (and arms), the lack of human capital in sufficient volume to sustain the activities of teaching, research and dissemination of knowledge in society, as stipulated the provisions of the decree that created it. As reported by some respondents, it lacked at the beginning of the simplest equipment, and the teachers and students bring from home, for example, glass and tubes to their experiences. With the emergence of research and development institutions, in federal and state levels, it can take root and grow to what it is today, an exemplary institution.
This book was coordinated by Shozo Motoyama, tireless researcher and popularizer of history of science and technology in Brazil, published at the time that this venerable lady turns 70, is presented as basically a collection of interviews and statements, collected between 2004 and 2005. This is the second and most important part of the volume: it occupies about 500 pages of interviews, amid dozens of photos, making a heavy album, whose "atomic mass" is probably proportional to the contribution of the USP training of the scientific spirit in Brazil. Are interviewed eight former presidents (Miguel Reale, in office twice, in 1949-50 and 1969-73, the Adolpho José Melphi, which ended its management in November 2005), several vice-chancellors and rectors of the pro- undergraduate, postgraduate, research and extension and culture in recent decades, a total of 32 personalities uspiana. The selection criteria were the performance of positions after the reform of the Statute USP in 1989, extending, however, the interviews with the presidents live before this period.
the interviews and subsequent organization of the material for the book six other researchers, most veteran employees to other projects of the Centre for the History of Science Inter USP. This part certainly will interest researchers and historians who withdraw these statements a valuable material to reconstruct the history of the most successful university in Brazil. But interviews can also be read as a collective history, with tasty passages about the personal life of each one of the teachers and researchers, largely them children of poor immigrants who have succeeded thanks to an extraordinary personal effort and family, opportunities opened up by the state enterprise that is New Orleans, and certainly some luck too. The personal itineraries, reported by mouth (in most cases for the first time), are fascinating and deserve, probably, insights into memory books for each of the protagonists. The reading of these reports confirms, even if need be, the greatest wealth of a nation lies in its own people, who is also the strength of a research and teaching as USP grade.
The first part deals with the history of USP and this goes far beyond the seventy years of official existence, reaching close to 180 years of national life since the first law school established in São Paulo in 1827. The release, signed by Shozo Motoyama, begins with an overview of the university's role in modern society, remade its difficult path in Brazil, pausing, then the insertion of USP in economic history, science and national politics. The university was formed from isolated schools and colleges, along with the creation of the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters, which should make the junction of the existing entities: the Faculty of Law of Largo San Francisco, the Polytechnic School (late nineteenth century), the Faculty of Medicine, Faculty of Pharmacy and Dentistry and the School of Agriculture "Luiz de Queiroz", Piracicaba. Were hired, yet in 1934, 13 foreign teachers and four for the new Brazilian FFCL, whose struggle took place for years through their integration with the individual institutes, whose outlook was far more professional than strictly academic. According to one of those foreign masters, Levi-Strauss, the most important role was not exactly their education, but the discipline, the Brazilians were already very good, but scientifically undisciplined.
Built in 1934, only ten years after it becomes, in fact, an autonomous entity in the form of local authority and was awarded the state a global budget allocation, which she ran freely, except for salaries of teachers. Thanks to the role of Miguel Reale in the State Administrative Council - an organ of state intervention in the New - the Rector of USP now has status as secretary of state, going to ship directly to the chief executive of Sao Paulo. As shown Motoyama, USP has been internationalized since the beginning, not only by the contribution of foreign professors and researchers, but also by the early submission of its best students to continue research abroad at a time when it was non-existent research institutions. The full-time, created in 1946 under the initiative of José Reis, was essential for the integration of teaching and research.
USP vissicitudes followed all of its political history since the years of growing optimism in the era Vargas and Kubitschek, through restriction of thought contesting in the years of dictatorship, to the democratic revival in 1985, which brought other problems in the economics and administration. Some of the scientists expelled during the previous phase and again proposed the establishment of the Institute for Advanced Study in the rectory of Jose Goldemberg. Parallel Inter came the Centre for the History of Science, who came to play an important role in the memory of Brazilian scientific and technological production, whose work is reflected in this same volume of story. The new constitution in 1988, ordered the review of state constitutions and, in the same movement, the drafting of new statutes for the USP, as the existing, 1969, reflected the authoritarianism at the time. Dates from this time, the creation of the positions of pro-rectors, which on one hand a bureaucratic procedures, on the other decentralized activities, which seems to have been positive. More recently, USP headed towards its biggest integration with the community, having opened in 2005, a new campus in São Paulo, USP-Leste. With expansion of places and opening of new courses, innovative.
The core of the first part comprises three chapters, in which the authors deal, successively, the "long history" (ie, the route from 1827 to 1934), "construction of the university" (from the thirties to repression under dictatorship, in 1969) and "university resistant", ie the twenty years until 1989, when they approved the new statutes. The subsequent history is relatively fragmented and dispersed in the statements taken and should constitute the indispensable basis of an institutional history from 1989, perhaps under the same responsibility as well authors who conducted the collection of primary material. These three long chapters, supported by documentary sources and secondary literature on solid, is a beautiful racconto storico on the emergence and affirmation of the USP, in the broader context of Brazilian history and evolution of scientific and technological world.
institutional history does not necessarily mean devoid of opinions: next to the report of the actions and initiatives of presidents, history and the country's economic policy is followed with great detail. Some episodes are particularly painful in the life of the USP such as the purges of teachers occurred after the AI-5, December 1968: overall, during 1969, 70 teachers were dismissed for various units of the USP. The path of resistance and accommodation to the authoritarian regime is reported at length, in addition to reporting the management of each of the deans, to the administration of José Goldemberg (1986-1990), who chairs a phase of intensive reforms, with substantial changes in the institutional field, remaining until today. His greatest victory, with the other universities in São Paulo, was the achievement of budgetary autonomy, linked with the allocation of part of the collection of indirect tax state, the GST. Another initiative in his highly controversial at the time, was the introduction of teacher evaluation, the subject of great debate now common and responsible, in fact, achieved by the huge leap in scientific and technological production of USP.
Taken together, the seven authors of historical essays, covering virtually the entire history of Brazilian education until 1989 and the statements taken from three dozen individuals, under the coordination of Shozo Motoyama, and reaching the present day, constitute the broadest report what is known in the scenario Brazilian university, on an exemplary institution of teaching and research, truly unique in its category for the quality of scientific production among the best in the world. The book combines oral history with a careful reconstruction of the historical process that explains the reasons for the academic and scientific success. It should serve as a model for many other institutional histories of the great educational institutions in Brazil.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Brasilia, November 5, 2006 Revised
Strategic Partnerships (London: CGEE, n. 23, 2006, p.). 
USP has been distinguished in a ranking of best universities in the world.
Below I did a review of a book prepared on the occasion of his first 70 years well lived ...
A venerable, but a young lady: USP at 70
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Review:
Shozo Motoyama (ed.):
USP 70: Images of a lived history
(São Paulo: University São Paulo, 2006, 704 p.; ISBN: 85-314-0953-5; other authors: Ana Maria Pinho Milk Gordon, Edson Emanuel Simões, Fernando Camelier, Marilda Nagamine, Pedro de Luna Vargas and Renato Teixeira) The
USP is undoubtedly the only university in Brazil in terms of figuring in a good position in the lists of world's best universities. According to a classification (Shanghai Jiao Tong University, the China), it ranks 71 th in the ranking of universities in the Americas, but that number doubles when inserted into a global list. This is undoubtedly a great performance at the regional and international levels, it is among the universities "average" American. The USP is in any case, responsible for at least a quarter of Brazilian scientific production for over quarter of doctors trained each year and almost a fifth of the volume of masters graduates.
can, in any event, consider these numbers as a result more significant than for a university that recently completed seventy years, approaching, therefore, the average age of the Brazilian. His "life expectancy", however, was uncertain when it was established in 1934, succeeding to a remarkable effort expended by the Paulista elites to compensate for the fact of defeat and federal intervention as a consequence of defeat imposed on the constitutional revolution of 1932. At that time, the creation of the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters had to do based on the importation of brains (and arms), the lack of human capital in sufficient volume to sustain the activities of teaching, research and dissemination of knowledge in society, as stipulated the provisions of the decree that created it. As reported by some respondents, it lacked at the beginning of the simplest equipment, and the teachers and students bring from home, for example, glass and tubes to their experiences. With the emergence of research and development institutions, in federal and state levels, it can take root and grow to what it is today, an exemplary institution.
This book was coordinated by Shozo Motoyama, tireless researcher and popularizer of history of science and technology in Brazil, published at the time that this venerable lady turns 70, is presented as basically a collection of interviews and statements, collected between 2004 and 2005. This is the second and most important part of the volume: it occupies about 500 pages of interviews, amid dozens of photos, making a heavy album, whose "atomic mass" is probably proportional to the contribution of the USP training of the scientific spirit in Brazil. Are interviewed eight former presidents (Miguel Reale, in office twice, in 1949-50 and 1969-73, the Adolpho José Melphi, which ended its management in November 2005), several vice-chancellors and rectors of the pro- undergraduate, postgraduate, research and extension and culture in recent decades, a total of 32 personalities uspiana. The selection criteria were the performance of positions after the reform of the Statute USP in 1989, extending, however, the interviews with the presidents live before this period.
the interviews and subsequent organization of the material for the book six other researchers, most veteran employees to other projects of the Centre for the History of Science Inter USP. This part certainly will interest researchers and historians who withdraw these statements a valuable material to reconstruct the history of the most successful university in Brazil. But interviews can also be read as a collective history, with tasty passages about the personal life of each one of the teachers and researchers, largely them children of poor immigrants who have succeeded thanks to an extraordinary personal effort and family, opportunities opened up by the state enterprise that is New Orleans, and certainly some luck too. The personal itineraries, reported by mouth (in most cases for the first time), are fascinating and deserve, probably, insights into memory books for each of the protagonists. The reading of these reports confirms, even if need be, the greatest wealth of a nation lies in its own people, who is also the strength of a research and teaching as USP grade.
The first part deals with the history of USP and this goes far beyond the seventy years of official existence, reaching close to 180 years of national life since the first law school established in São Paulo in 1827. The release, signed by Shozo Motoyama, begins with an overview of the university's role in modern society, remade its difficult path in Brazil, pausing, then the insertion of USP in economic history, science and national politics. The university was formed from isolated schools and colleges, along with the creation of the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Letters, which should make the junction of the existing entities: the Faculty of Law of Largo San Francisco, the Polytechnic School (late nineteenth century), the Faculty of Medicine, Faculty of Pharmacy and Dentistry and the School of Agriculture "Luiz de Queiroz", Piracicaba. Were hired, yet in 1934, 13 foreign teachers and four for the new Brazilian FFCL, whose struggle took place for years through their integration with the individual institutes, whose outlook was far more professional than strictly academic. According to one of those foreign masters, Levi-Strauss, the most important role was not exactly their education, but the discipline, the Brazilians were already very good, but scientifically undisciplined.
Built in 1934, only ten years after it becomes, in fact, an autonomous entity in the form of local authority and was awarded the state a global budget allocation, which she ran freely, except for salaries of teachers. Thanks to the role of Miguel Reale in the State Administrative Council - an organ of state intervention in the New - the Rector of USP now has status as secretary of state, going to ship directly to the chief executive of Sao Paulo. As shown Motoyama, USP has been internationalized since the beginning, not only by the contribution of foreign professors and researchers, but also by the early submission of its best students to continue research abroad at a time when it was non-existent research institutions. The full-time, created in 1946 under the initiative of José Reis, was essential for the integration of teaching and research.
USP vissicitudes followed all of its political history since the years of growing optimism in the era Vargas and Kubitschek, through restriction of thought contesting in the years of dictatorship, to the democratic revival in 1985, which brought other problems in the economics and administration. Some of the scientists expelled during the previous phase and again proposed the establishment of the Institute for Advanced Study in the rectory of Jose Goldemberg. Parallel Inter came the Centre for the History of Science, who came to play an important role in the memory of Brazilian scientific and technological production, whose work is reflected in this same volume of story. The new constitution in 1988, ordered the review of state constitutions and, in the same movement, the drafting of new statutes for the USP, as the existing, 1969, reflected the authoritarianism at the time. Dates from this time, the creation of the positions of pro-rectors, which on one hand a bureaucratic procedures, on the other decentralized activities, which seems to have been positive. More recently, USP headed towards its biggest integration with the community, having opened in 2005, a new campus in São Paulo, USP-Leste. With expansion of places and opening of new courses, innovative.
The core of the first part comprises three chapters, in which the authors deal, successively, the "long history" (ie, the route from 1827 to 1934), "construction of the university" (from the thirties to repression under dictatorship, in 1969) and "university resistant", ie the twenty years until 1989, when they approved the new statutes. The subsequent history is relatively fragmented and dispersed in the statements taken and should constitute the indispensable basis of an institutional history from 1989, perhaps under the same responsibility as well authors who conducted the collection of primary material. These three long chapters, supported by documentary sources and secondary literature on solid, is a beautiful racconto storico on the emergence and affirmation of the USP, in the broader context of Brazilian history and evolution of scientific and technological world.
institutional history does not necessarily mean devoid of opinions: next to the report of the actions and initiatives of presidents, history and the country's economic policy is followed with great detail. Some episodes are particularly painful in the life of the USP such as the purges of teachers occurred after the AI-5, December 1968: overall, during 1969, 70 teachers were dismissed for various units of the USP. The path of resistance and accommodation to the authoritarian regime is reported at length, in addition to reporting the management of each of the deans, to the administration of José Goldemberg (1986-1990), who chairs a phase of intensive reforms, with substantial changes in the institutional field, remaining until today. His greatest victory, with the other universities in São Paulo, was the achievement of budgetary autonomy, linked with the allocation of part of the collection of indirect tax state, the GST. Another initiative in his highly controversial at the time, was the introduction of teacher evaluation, the subject of great debate now common and responsible, in fact, achieved by the huge leap in scientific and technological production of USP.
Taken together, the seven authors of historical essays, covering virtually the entire history of Brazilian education until 1989 and the statements taken from three dozen individuals, under the coordination of Shozo Motoyama, and reaching the present day, constitute the broadest report what is known in the scenario Brazilian university, on an exemplary institution of teaching and research, truly unique in its category for the quality of scientific production among the best in the world. The book combines oral history with a careful reconstruction of the historical process that explains the reasons for the academic and scientific success. It should serve as a model for many other institutional histories of the great educational institutions in Brazil.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Brasilia, November 5, 2006 Revised
Strategic Partnerships (London: CGEE, n. 23, 2006, p.).
Wednesday, September 2, 2009
The Pros And Consof Selling Human Organs
228) Anarchism is also culture
Excellent summaries of historical books anarchists, painstakingly translated and published in Brazil by the Anarchist Federation.
I do not know why, but when I see these texts anarchists, and all the buzz that the tiny handful of anarchists (in any country) leads to support their ideas and positions, has the impression of being faced with a bunch of kids , short pants, playing top and playing hide and seek. It may be just an impression, of course, but I can not avoid passing it as a reflection of what I think is the activism of the anarchists: a large children's play ...
The Spark is proud to announce three new releases, two of them co-edited with
Imaginary publisher.
SCIENCE AND VITAL ISSUE OF REVOLUTION
Mikhail * $ 18.00 * 96 pages * Imaginary / Spark
ANARCHIST IN BULGARIAN ARMS
Michael Schmidt * $ 8.00 * 80 pages * The Spark
INTERNATIONAL: DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS: VOL. I
James Guillaume * $ 32.00 * 232 pages * Imaginary / Spark
Buy now, by contacting vendasfaisca@riseup.net!
Below is the data and reviews of books.
***
SCIENCE AND VITAL ISSUE OF REVOLUTION
Mikhail * $ 18.00 * 96 pages * Imaginary / Spark
continue to publish, in co-edition with publisher Imaginary
of the main works of Mikhail Bakunin, the greatest exponent of anarchism
classic. In this essay from 1870, Bakunin goes to the Russian youth
in an attempt to contribute to the revolutionary organization in czarist Russia
, denouncing the "socialist rhetoric," according to his own denomination
. The Bakunin explains the context in which it operates its
article:
"After the Decembrists, the liberalism of heroic nobility educated
degenerated into liberalism bookish in doctrinairism more or less scholarly.
Since then, his impotence, of course, has only grown: the verb became
act of courage, spirit speaker, intelligence, the empty word,
eloquence, and the readings, action. The real cause was forgotten, and more,
began to despise it, and the high satisfaction of a metaphysics of self,
consider all revolutionary ideas, all attempts
courageous public protestation as childish bluster. Talk to
knowingly, because in 30 years, Enthusiastic by Hegelianism,
myself that mistake. "
And this way, his proposal differs from revolutionary socialism
a certain "revolutionary verbal", which is characterized more by
eloquence of speech and violence, than the actions actually carried out in practice
. Reflecting on the science and thought, Bakunin
insists on consistency between theory and practice, preaching socialism
a class which necessarily requires an ethical position of
reality to be transformed. Bakunin emphasized in his text:
"Neither science nor thought there have to share, in the abstract;
they only find their expression in the individual; every man is an asset to be indivisible
which can not simultaneously seek a true and accurate in theory
bite the fruit of lies in practice. In all socialist
including the most sincere, they belong - not for his birth (which
still would mean nothing, because many changes can occur
him after his birth), but by its actual condition - to some
privileged class that is, that is, the exploiting classes, you will discover
infallibly this contradiction between thought and life, this contradiction
certainly the stops, the more or less reduce to impotence, and
it can not become a truly sincere and active socialist
but resolutely breaking their ties with the world of privileged
and explorers, and forsaking all the advantages that confers
this world. "
The book also has a great preface to Alexandre Samis.
ANARCHIST IN BULGARIAN ARMS
Michael Schmidt * $ 8.00 * 80 pages * Spark
In this booklet we publish a story written by a militant of the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front
[Front Zabalaza Anarchist Communist], South Africa's
, which is a little known episode of anarchism
among Brazilians. Anarchism in Bulgaria, Bulgarian Anarchism portrayed in
Armas brings the reader the experiences of organization and struggle that took place in
around the Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB) that inspired the controversial
Organizational Platform published by exiled Russian
of Delo Truda in 1926, was able to reorganize the purposes of
anarchism in the 1910s and to make it the third largest force
left the country. The FAKB was responsible for organizing movements
rural and urban workers, and work your way
effective propaganda in the midst of two fascist coups (1923 and 1934) and invested
communists. Alongside this story, we posted the Platform of the Federation of Anarchist Communists
of Bulgaria, 1945 programmatic document that reflects the positions of
FAKB. According to the author:
"The Platform of FAKB comes to crucial issues in terms of tactics and organization
, rejecting the form of a political party, for
she was" sterile and ineffective, unable to respond to targets at
immediate tasks and interests of workers. " Instead, she advocates
"true strength of workers," "the economy and their organizations
economic. Only then is the field in which capitalism can be mined.
Only then is the real class struggle. "For the organization,
FAKB determined that various types of organization of the working class are essential and intertwined
without subordinating one to another:
anarcho-communist ideological organizations, labor unions ,
farmers' unions, cooperatives and cultural organizations and
specific interests, such as youth and women. "
Without doubt, this is a book that will make it possible to know
the experiences of organized anarchism, in other moments of
history, and other parts of the world. The
INTERNATIONAL: DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS: VOL. I
James Guillaume * $ 32.00 * 232 pages * Imaginary / Spark
The publication of this volume, for us, is historical. For many years
translator insisted that we should publish this work of Guillaume,
Somehow, the importance of
Workers International Association (TIA), which became known as First International
and the importance of this work for anarchists, who reports, so
detailed its episodes. We operationalize its publication in several volumes
, whose first release we do now.
The work, which drew partly to the publication of this first volume was printed
originally in four volumes, covering the period from 1864 to 1878
. Was reissued in the 1980s in Switzerland and France, in two large volumes
, each with over 700 pages. This volume is based
an important debate on the AIT which undoubtedly was a major, if not the largest
, events directly involving the working class in nineteenth century
. The documents contained in this volume, and the other
who complete the series, is in itself revealing of the relationships established between
those who dared to create a political sphere from the
economic affinities. And that, in the influx of events, managed to redefine the
political agendas and strategies of European nations in
context of nascent capitalism. The AIT also has a central importance in the history of
anarchism because it was in her womb that the
anarchism as organized collective political practice, has existed. EXCERPT FROM THE INTRODUCTION
EDITORS '
this first volume of the Internationale: documents and memorabilia,
present the beginning of this monumental work of James Guillaume.
Starting the first part of the work, after a brief preface in which the author
explain its origin and content, Guillaume is in Chapter I of the first steps of
International Workers Association (IWA), particularly
, and so well short of its founding in 1864, the General Council
establishment and documentation that determined their general
(statutes and manifest). Based on the facts that
witnessed, Guillaume de la Memoire refers to the Fédération Jurassienne
to treat the beginning of AIT in several cities in Switzerland, so
as the development of ideas, early mobilization and periodicals.
He treats also of the London Conference of 1865, which ruled on the first
Congress 1866.
Guillaume Chapter II deals with this first Congress of the AIT,
held in Geneva, 1866. Using again the Memoire, he discusses the importance of mutual
Parisians in the discussions and the little influence that
Congress had on the Swiss, but mainly, the discussions that took
on the Statute of the AIT. At that time, the AIT was still somewhat
indented, and posed as workers in aggregate goals
an association, without distinction of political or religious, closer to the classes
workers of different countries. A delegation of 60 workers, this
in Congress, represented a significant contingent of workers
of Britain, France, Germany and Switzerland. What was relevant was
more discussion and final adoption of the Statute, which
Guillaume is quite detailed showing even the
differences were in terms of translation from one language to another and
political consequences of these differences. Places, too, as if giving
were concerns about the class character of this association. Among the conclusions
, there is a pointer to the next Congress, taking place in 1867.
The chapter ends with a letter of Marx, who preferred not to go
Congress, dr. Kugelmann, which shows that the program had written
of Londoners, criticizes the French because of the influence of
Proudhon, whom he criticizes significantly, and defends the political path of
transformation.
Chapter III deals with the development of Section Locle
with his 1867 statement against the senseless war between Germany and France, adding that
when the AIT was sufficiently strong, the
workers could refuse wars. It concludes with a satirical article
your published at the time, who mocked the bourgeoisie
treatment that gave the Swiss statement.
In Chapter IV the theme is the second Congress of the AIT, held in Lausanne,
1867. Guillaume uses the "Memoirs of the Congress of Lausanne and Geneva
" to remember this Congress and also the Congress of the League
Peace and Freedom, what happened then in Geneva.
Describes the participants of the Congress of Lausanne and its characteristics, among them
: Walton, Eccarius, Swan, Lessner, Dupont, Chemali, Murat,
Martin, Garbe, Pioley, Reymond, Tanari, Longuet, De Paepe and Kugelmann. He passes
Coullery speeches and arrives at nine
issues that comprised the agenda in Lausanne: the practical means to make AIT
a center of action for the working class, credit banks and popular, the emancipation of the proletariat
and its risks, labor versus capital,
education and women's question, the State and political freedoms.
were relevant in this Congress, the statements of mutualism, federalism,
preaching the end of the wage, recognition of the importance of education
, the relationship between social emancipation and political emancipation and
affirmation of capitalism as a class society divided into
exploiters and exploited. The Congress also took a message to the
Peace Congress in Geneva, decided that the headquarters of the General Council would
in London and Brussels as a city noted for the next Congress.
Chapter V describes the first Congress of the League of Peace and Freedom,
held in Geneva in 1867. Using continuation of document
previous chapter, William recounts the events of this Congress
going through all the hype that revolved around the presence of
Garibaldi and his relationship with the delegates of the AIT. Broadly viewed, the
Congress included a series of speeches, the most expected of the
Garibaldi himself, who said, among other things,
solidarity between nations, the overthrow of the papacy, the religion of God - that justified
as the religion of truth and reason - democracy and right-
slave to wage war against their tyrants. This and other speeches
realized a dispute between the left sections, among which was
socialism of AIT, and other more conservative sectors. The sectors
left asserted the necessity of socialism, society
classes, the evils of religion, this sector which included the announcement of
Bakunin, speaking on the Russian question and federalism, and against
centralization and nationalism. Conservative sectors
denied the class society, were anti-socialist, and had a distaste
in relation to social reforms. The conclusions of the Congress attempted to reconcile
all sectors. Also noteworthy is the speech by De Paepe
on federalism. The chapter ends with a discussion of a version of the Statutes of negligent
AIT published in France.
Chapter VI deals with the rapprochement between the Swiss sections of the AIT, the struggles
the Jura and the alliance between some socialists and conservatives. Guillaume
exposes the relationship of radical Socialists with Democrats; first
tried to approach the second, which, in contrast, considered the first
enemies. Through some articles written for
Diogène, Guillaume reproduces the positions of the Swiss socialist
. Recognizing himself as a radical youth, daughter of
revolutionaries of 1848, these socialists deny that conservatives
might influence the nascent youth. In the final chapter the author discusses the
Coullery alliances with the conservative ex-realists, the creation of
journal La Montagne and the episodes that ended up putting
Coullery in the enemy camp, as an accomplice and agent of the Conservative Party.
having one of the reasons for the conflict was the election issue, the socialist
Locle Swiss decided, from then on, refrain
in all political elections.
Chapter VII gives interesting reports on the strike of civil construction
AIT in Geneva and in Paris. The strike, which erupted in 1868, had major repercussions
; formed into solidarity, when sections of the Geneva
factories supported the construction and corporations
used their strike fund to support the strikers. There
participation of French workers, unlike the British trade unions, which refused
support. Given the intense mobilization of workers genebreses the
bosses conceded to virtually all workers' demands, and Brosset
that was highlighted in the fight - which received a manuscript from Bakunin
, 1871, in his honor, and contained in this chapter. Then Guillaume
discusses the AIT in Paris and the problem the government has resolved to end
in AIT and moved fifteen cases against its members.
The result was that the association in Paris, has ceased to exist
cool, but the members continued connected individually to an international brand
company based in London.
The subject developed in Chapter VIII is the third congress of the AIT,
held in Brussels, 1868. The main act of Congress was to vote on the issue
land ownership, an issue that had already been the subject of discussion in the previous Congress
. Approved the resolution that mines, quarries
, railways, agricultural land, canals, roads and communication
forests must belong to the social collectivity. The Congress also addressed the issue of
production tools and machines, arguing that
they should pass into the hands of workers. Another important discussion
addressed the League of Peace and Freedom, has been decided that this
had no reason to be, and recommending that integrates the AIT, which was signed
in a letter to the Berne Congress of that league. The
Brussels Congress has declared himself against war, recommending that
workers opposed to it, with strike if necessary. Finally,
other six issues were addressed: strikes and societies of resistance,
full instruction, mutual credit, reduction in working hours,
cooperation and, finally, workbooks.
Two main issues are covered in Chapter IX: Second Congress
League for Peace and Freedom and the Alliance in 1868. Guillaume
recounts the consequences that the decision of the AIT had on the league and it's working
that Bakunin was developing inside her, trying to convert her to
socialism. In a letter he wrote to Bakunin Vogt, then president of
League, it's possible to understand their goals and expectations, even finding himself
frustrated with the resolution of the League of AIT, the AIT is with respect and admiration
. At the Congress of the League, in a discussion on the relations of economic and social
issue of peace and freedom,
Bakunin made a speech which, in addition to defend equality, denied communism and statist collectivism
said. Nevertheless, the proposal of the socialists
was rejected. It was also discussed the separation of church and state. At the end of
Congress, a group of 18 socialists - among them Bakunin, Reclus and
Fanelli - separated from the League for disagreeing with their positions
against equality; this group, which was immediately
International Alliance of Socialist Democracy. The Alliance would be as
branch of the AIT, giving some continuity to the project of the Fraternity,
developed by Bakunin in the period he spent in Italy, subject Guillaume
that this approach using a leaflet Russian Bakunin. The author shows both
conceptions of fraternity, as the Alliance,
discussing their relations with the League of Peace and Freedom and then with
AIT.
Chapter X deals with many questions. Begin the steps of Section
Locle and controversy that occurred between the journal and La Voix genebreses of
l'Avenir de Coullery by their management problems and its critics
the two resolutions of the Brussels Congress: first on
collective ownership, by denying this individual property, and second
the resolutions in relation to the League of Peace, which featured controversial
Coullery own arguments and De Paepe, in the book, Guillaume
reproduces the articles in which they gave this thread. Section Locle adhered to the resolutions
Brussels, declaring itself socialist mutual, and voted a message to Democrats socialists
Geneva. Furthermore, the author presents the design
Society Credit Union, of Locle,
granting loans without interest and also the Society of Consumer Affairs, a cooperative
consumption that was to benefit workers, whose first project was
buying a car of potatoes.
Bakunin, his stay in Geneva and the founding of the Alliance are the subject of Chapter XI
. Guillaume starts talking about the influence of Bakunin in Switzerland and the message
Genevan Committee of the AIT and the English, the program
Alliance, in which he defended the freedom and equality and was placed
the necessity of social revolution. For problems with Coullery and La Voix
of l'Avenir, there is the need to create a new journal. The
Sections Geneva undertook to appoint a committee to decide on the new
newspaper and another to do a project for a regulation
Federation of Sections Swiss French-speaking, to be called Romanesque
Federation. Created in Geneva the central bureau of the Alliance, its members decided to find the city
a group of members that in October 1868
was with the names of 85 people, including Germans, Russians, Poles, French and Swiss
, however This initiative ended up not having much success
. Founded, the Alliance sought entry into the AIT. The history
frustrations regarding the electoral terrain has made the Swiss
fully embrace the revolutionary cause.
Guillaume begins Chapter XII dealing with the first activities of the cooperative
consumption. Having accomplished the purchase of two cars of potatoes
, the cooperative made a significant effort to
its distribution among workers, with successful experience, bought and distributed
cheese. Even with the frustrating experiences on the ground
election, the internationalists of Locle
tried a participation in the municipal field, aiming to influence the municipal budget
, taxes and education, called the people to defend their own interests
. This attempt also was unsuccessful, and the
goal of exposing the public what happened in the assembly elections came Le
Progrès, which originated as an organ of radical democracy. Guillaume
is still in this chapter of the lecture given by Professor Buisson and
message of thanks to him, which was published in the newspaper.
Closing this volume now published, Guillaume is in Chapter XIII
, resolutions of Neuchâtel, who appointed a commission to create a
newspaper, deciding by the creation of L'Egalite, and other statutes to create the future
Federation Romance, which has adopted a project of Bakunin. Guillaume
published Bakunin's response in support of the newspaper in which the AIT
defends and criticizes the bourgeois socialism; also mentions the French accessions
Malon, Varlin, Reclus, and the letters of Jung and Eccarius
refusal to Marx, who says it is was in poor health and
too busy. Other support came: Germany,
Becker, Italy, Gambuzza and Tucci, Belgium, De Paepe, and an unidentified
support of Spain. Guillaume
concludes the chapter describing the episode of the application to join the Alliance by the TIA;
raises the suspicion of Marx, published a very complimentary letter that Marx wrote to Bakunin
explaining his proposal for "equalization of classes and the
individuals, " and sending it the Alliance program. Meanwhile, the General Council
refused the application for membership of the Alliance, justifying
that another international body within the AIT would tend to disorganize it,
conducting a parallel between this decision and that on the League of Peace and Freedom of
Brussels Congress. Then Guillaume
publishes a letter commenting on the correspondence of Marx Bakunin Jung and asking
avoid the approach that was evidenced between De Paepe and the Alliance.
Spark Publications Libertarian
www.editorafaisca.net
faísca@riseup.net (editor)
vendasfaisca@riseup.net (distributor - Sales) 
Excellent summaries of historical books anarchists, painstakingly translated and published in Brazil by the Anarchist Federation.
I do not know why, but when I see these texts anarchists, and all the buzz that the tiny handful of anarchists (in any country) leads to support their ideas and positions, has the impression of being faced with a bunch of kids , short pants, playing top and playing hide and seek. It may be just an impression, of course, but I can not avoid passing it as a reflection of what I think is the activism of the anarchists: a large children's play ...
The Spark is proud to announce three new releases, two of them co-edited with
Imaginary publisher.
SCIENCE AND VITAL ISSUE OF REVOLUTION
Mikhail * $ 18.00 * 96 pages * Imaginary / Spark
ANARCHIST IN BULGARIAN ARMS
Michael Schmidt * $ 8.00 * 80 pages * The Spark
INTERNATIONAL: DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS: VOL. I
James Guillaume * $ 32.00 * 232 pages * Imaginary / Spark
Buy now, by contacting vendasfaisca@riseup.net!
Below is the data and reviews of books.
***
SCIENCE AND VITAL ISSUE OF REVOLUTION
Mikhail * $ 18.00 * 96 pages * Imaginary / Spark
continue to publish, in co-edition with publisher Imaginary
of the main works of Mikhail Bakunin, the greatest exponent of anarchism
classic. In this essay from 1870, Bakunin goes to the Russian youth
in an attempt to contribute to the revolutionary organization in czarist Russia
, denouncing the "socialist rhetoric," according to his own denomination
. The Bakunin explains the context in which it operates its
article:
"After the Decembrists, the liberalism of heroic nobility educated
degenerated into liberalism bookish in doctrinairism more or less scholarly.
Since then, his impotence, of course, has only grown: the verb became
act of courage, spirit speaker, intelligence, the empty word,
eloquence, and the readings, action. The real cause was forgotten, and more,
began to despise it, and the high satisfaction of a metaphysics of self,
consider all revolutionary ideas, all attempts
courageous public protestation as childish bluster. Talk to
knowingly, because in 30 years, Enthusiastic by Hegelianism,
myself that mistake. "
And this way, his proposal differs from revolutionary socialism
a certain "revolutionary verbal", which is characterized more by
eloquence of speech and violence, than the actions actually carried out in practice
. Reflecting on the science and thought, Bakunin
insists on consistency between theory and practice, preaching socialism
a class which necessarily requires an ethical position of
reality to be transformed. Bakunin emphasized in his text:
"Neither science nor thought there have to share, in the abstract;
they only find their expression in the individual; every man is an asset to be indivisible
which can not simultaneously seek a true and accurate in theory
bite the fruit of lies in practice. In all socialist
including the most sincere, they belong - not for his birth (which
still would mean nothing, because many changes can occur
him after his birth), but by its actual condition - to some
privileged class that is, that is, the exploiting classes, you will discover
infallibly this contradiction between thought and life, this contradiction
certainly the stops, the more or less reduce to impotence, and
it can not become a truly sincere and active socialist
but resolutely breaking their ties with the world of privileged
and explorers, and forsaking all the advantages that confers
this world. "
The book also has a great preface to Alexandre Samis.
ANARCHIST IN BULGARIAN ARMS
Michael Schmidt * $ 8.00 * 80 pages * Spark
In this booklet we publish a story written by a militant of the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front
[Front Zabalaza Anarchist Communist], South Africa's
, which is a little known episode of anarchism
among Brazilians. Anarchism in Bulgaria, Bulgarian Anarchism portrayed in
Armas brings the reader the experiences of organization and struggle that took place in
around the Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB) that inspired the controversial
Organizational Platform published by exiled Russian
of Delo Truda in 1926, was able to reorganize the purposes of
anarchism in the 1910s and to make it the third largest force
left the country. The FAKB was responsible for organizing movements
rural and urban workers, and work your way
effective propaganda in the midst of two fascist coups (1923 and 1934) and invested
communists. Alongside this story, we posted the Platform of the Federation of Anarchist Communists
of Bulgaria, 1945 programmatic document that reflects the positions of
FAKB. According to the author:
"The Platform of FAKB comes to crucial issues in terms of tactics and organization
, rejecting the form of a political party, for
she was" sterile and ineffective, unable to respond to targets at
immediate tasks and interests of workers. " Instead, she advocates
"true strength of workers," "the economy and their organizations
economic. Only then is the field in which capitalism can be mined.
Only then is the real class struggle. "For the organization,
FAKB determined that various types of organization of the working class are essential and intertwined
without subordinating one to another:
anarcho-communist ideological organizations, labor unions ,
farmers' unions, cooperatives and cultural organizations and
specific interests, such as youth and women. "
Without doubt, this is a book that will make it possible to know
the experiences of organized anarchism, in other moments of
history, and other parts of the world. The
INTERNATIONAL: DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS: VOL. I
James Guillaume * $ 32.00 * 232 pages * Imaginary / Spark
The publication of this volume, for us, is historical. For many years
translator insisted that we should publish this work of Guillaume,
Somehow, the importance of
Workers International Association (TIA), which became known as First International
and the importance of this work for anarchists, who reports, so
detailed its episodes. We operationalize its publication in several volumes
, whose first release we do now.
The work, which drew partly to the publication of this first volume was printed
originally in four volumes, covering the period from 1864 to 1878
. Was reissued in the 1980s in Switzerland and France, in two large volumes
, each with over 700 pages. This volume is based
an important debate on the AIT which undoubtedly was a major, if not the largest
, events directly involving the working class in nineteenth century
. The documents contained in this volume, and the other
who complete the series, is in itself revealing of the relationships established between
those who dared to create a political sphere from the
economic affinities. And that, in the influx of events, managed to redefine the
political agendas and strategies of European nations in
context of nascent capitalism. The AIT also has a central importance in the history of
anarchism because it was in her womb that the
anarchism as organized collective political practice, has existed. EXCERPT FROM THE INTRODUCTION
EDITORS '
this first volume of the Internationale: documents and memorabilia,
present the beginning of this monumental work of James Guillaume.
Starting the first part of the work, after a brief preface in which the author
explain its origin and content, Guillaume is in Chapter I of the first steps of
International Workers Association (IWA), particularly
, and so well short of its founding in 1864, the General Council
establishment and documentation that determined their general
(statutes and manifest). Based on the facts that
witnessed, Guillaume de la Memoire refers to the Fédération Jurassienne
to treat the beginning of AIT in several cities in Switzerland, so
as the development of ideas, early mobilization and periodicals.
He treats also of the London Conference of 1865, which ruled on the first
Congress 1866.
Guillaume Chapter II deals with this first Congress of the AIT,
held in Geneva, 1866. Using again the Memoire, he discusses the importance of mutual
Parisians in the discussions and the little influence that
Congress had on the Swiss, but mainly, the discussions that took
on the Statute of the AIT. At that time, the AIT was still somewhat
indented, and posed as workers in aggregate goals
an association, without distinction of political or religious, closer to the classes
workers of different countries. A delegation of 60 workers, this
in Congress, represented a significant contingent of workers
of Britain, France, Germany and Switzerland. What was relevant was
more discussion and final adoption of the Statute, which
Guillaume is quite detailed showing even the
differences were in terms of translation from one language to another and
political consequences of these differences. Places, too, as if giving
were concerns about the class character of this association. Among the conclusions
, there is a pointer to the next Congress, taking place in 1867.
The chapter ends with a letter of Marx, who preferred not to go
Congress, dr. Kugelmann, which shows that the program had written
of Londoners, criticizes the French because of the influence of
Proudhon, whom he criticizes significantly, and defends the political path of
transformation.
Chapter III deals with the development of Section Locle
with his 1867 statement against the senseless war between Germany and France, adding that
when the AIT was sufficiently strong, the
workers could refuse wars. It concludes with a satirical article
your published at the time, who mocked the bourgeoisie
treatment that gave the Swiss statement.
In Chapter IV the theme is the second Congress of the AIT, held in Lausanne,
1867. Guillaume uses the "Memoirs of the Congress of Lausanne and Geneva
" to remember this Congress and also the Congress of the League
Peace and Freedom, what happened then in Geneva.
Describes the participants of the Congress of Lausanne and its characteristics, among them
: Walton, Eccarius, Swan, Lessner, Dupont, Chemali, Murat,
Martin, Garbe, Pioley, Reymond, Tanari, Longuet, De Paepe and Kugelmann. He passes
Coullery speeches and arrives at nine
issues that comprised the agenda in Lausanne: the practical means to make AIT
a center of action for the working class, credit banks and popular, the emancipation of the proletariat
and its risks, labor versus capital,
education and women's question, the State and political freedoms.
were relevant in this Congress, the statements of mutualism, federalism,
preaching the end of the wage, recognition of the importance of education
, the relationship between social emancipation and political emancipation and
affirmation of capitalism as a class society divided into
exploiters and exploited. The Congress also took a message to the
Peace Congress in Geneva, decided that the headquarters of the General Council would
in London and Brussels as a city noted for the next Congress.
Chapter V describes the first Congress of the League of Peace and Freedom,
held in Geneva in 1867. Using continuation of document
previous chapter, William recounts the events of this Congress
going through all the hype that revolved around the presence of
Garibaldi and his relationship with the delegates of the AIT. Broadly viewed, the
Congress included a series of speeches, the most expected of the
Garibaldi himself, who said, among other things,
solidarity between nations, the overthrow of the papacy, the religion of God - that justified
as the religion of truth and reason - democracy and right-
slave to wage war against their tyrants. This and other speeches
realized a dispute between the left sections, among which was
socialism of AIT, and other more conservative sectors. The sectors
left asserted the necessity of socialism, society
classes, the evils of religion, this sector which included the announcement of
Bakunin, speaking on the Russian question and federalism, and against
centralization and nationalism. Conservative sectors
denied the class society, were anti-socialist, and had a distaste
in relation to social reforms. The conclusions of the Congress attempted to reconcile
all sectors. Also noteworthy is the speech by De Paepe
on federalism. The chapter ends with a discussion of a version of the Statutes of negligent
AIT published in France.
Chapter VI deals with the rapprochement between the Swiss sections of the AIT, the struggles
the Jura and the alliance between some socialists and conservatives. Guillaume
exposes the relationship of radical Socialists with Democrats; first
tried to approach the second, which, in contrast, considered the first
enemies. Through some articles written for
Diogène, Guillaume reproduces the positions of the Swiss socialist
. Recognizing himself as a radical youth, daughter of
revolutionaries of 1848, these socialists deny that conservatives
might influence the nascent youth. In the final chapter the author discusses the
Coullery alliances with the conservative ex-realists, the creation of
journal La Montagne and the episodes that ended up putting
Coullery in the enemy camp, as an accomplice and agent of the Conservative Party.
having one of the reasons for the conflict was the election issue, the socialist
Locle Swiss decided, from then on, refrain
in all political elections.
Chapter VII gives interesting reports on the strike of civil construction
AIT in Geneva and in Paris. The strike, which erupted in 1868, had major repercussions
; formed into solidarity, when sections of the Geneva
factories supported the construction and corporations
used their strike fund to support the strikers. There
participation of French workers, unlike the British trade unions, which refused
support. Given the intense mobilization of workers genebreses the
bosses conceded to virtually all workers' demands, and Brosset
that was highlighted in the fight - which received a manuscript from Bakunin
, 1871, in his honor, and contained in this chapter. Then Guillaume
discusses the AIT in Paris and the problem the government has resolved to end
in AIT and moved fifteen cases against its members.
The result was that the association in Paris, has ceased to exist
cool, but the members continued connected individually to an international brand
company based in London.
The subject developed in Chapter VIII is the third congress of the AIT,
held in Brussels, 1868. The main act of Congress was to vote on the issue
land ownership, an issue that had already been the subject of discussion in the previous Congress
. Approved the resolution that mines, quarries
, railways, agricultural land, canals, roads and communication
forests must belong to the social collectivity. The Congress also addressed the issue of
production tools and machines, arguing that
they should pass into the hands of workers. Another important discussion
addressed the League of Peace and Freedom, has been decided that this
had no reason to be, and recommending that integrates the AIT, which was signed
in a letter to the Berne Congress of that league. The
Brussels Congress has declared himself against war, recommending that
workers opposed to it, with strike if necessary. Finally,
other six issues were addressed: strikes and societies of resistance,
full instruction, mutual credit, reduction in working hours,
cooperation and, finally, workbooks.
Two main issues are covered in Chapter IX: Second Congress
League for Peace and Freedom and the Alliance in 1868. Guillaume
recounts the consequences that the decision of the AIT had on the league and it's working
that Bakunin was developing inside her, trying to convert her to
socialism. In a letter he wrote to Bakunin Vogt, then president of
League, it's possible to understand their goals and expectations, even finding himself
frustrated with the resolution of the League of AIT, the AIT is with respect and admiration
. At the Congress of the League, in a discussion on the relations of economic and social
issue of peace and freedom,
Bakunin made a speech which, in addition to defend equality, denied communism and statist collectivism
said. Nevertheless, the proposal of the socialists
was rejected. It was also discussed the separation of church and state. At the end of
Congress, a group of 18 socialists - among them Bakunin, Reclus and
Fanelli - separated from the League for disagreeing with their positions
against equality; this group, which was immediately
International Alliance of Socialist Democracy. The Alliance would be as
branch of the AIT, giving some continuity to the project of the Fraternity,
developed by Bakunin in the period he spent in Italy, subject Guillaume
that this approach using a leaflet Russian Bakunin. The author shows both
conceptions of fraternity, as the Alliance,
discussing their relations with the League of Peace and Freedom and then with
AIT.
Chapter X deals with many questions. Begin the steps of Section
Locle and controversy that occurred between the journal and La Voix genebreses of
l'Avenir de Coullery by their management problems and its critics
the two resolutions of the Brussels Congress: first on
collective ownership, by denying this individual property, and second
the resolutions in relation to the League of Peace, which featured controversial
Coullery own arguments and De Paepe, in the book, Guillaume
reproduces the articles in which they gave this thread. Section Locle adhered to the resolutions
Brussels, declaring itself socialist mutual, and voted a message to Democrats socialists
Geneva. Furthermore, the author presents the design
Society Credit Union, of Locle,
granting loans without interest and also the Society of Consumer Affairs, a cooperative
consumption that was to benefit workers, whose first project was
buying a car of potatoes.
Bakunin, his stay in Geneva and the founding of the Alliance are the subject of Chapter XI
. Guillaume starts talking about the influence of Bakunin in Switzerland and the message
Genevan Committee of the AIT and the English, the program
Alliance, in which he defended the freedom and equality and was placed
the necessity of social revolution. For problems with Coullery and La Voix
of l'Avenir, there is the need to create a new journal. The
Sections Geneva undertook to appoint a committee to decide on the new
newspaper and another to do a project for a regulation
Federation of Sections Swiss French-speaking, to be called Romanesque
Federation. Created in Geneva the central bureau of the Alliance, its members decided to find the city
a group of members that in October 1868
was with the names of 85 people, including Germans, Russians, Poles, French and Swiss
, however This initiative ended up not having much success
. Founded, the Alliance sought entry into the AIT. The history
frustrations regarding the electoral terrain has made the Swiss
fully embrace the revolutionary cause.
Guillaume begins Chapter XII dealing with the first activities of the cooperative
consumption. Having accomplished the purchase of two cars of potatoes
, the cooperative made a significant effort to
its distribution among workers, with successful experience, bought and distributed
cheese. Even with the frustrating experiences on the ground
election, the internationalists of Locle
tried a participation in the municipal field, aiming to influence the municipal budget
, taxes and education, called the people to defend their own interests
. This attempt also was unsuccessful, and the
goal of exposing the public what happened in the assembly elections came Le
Progrès, which originated as an organ of radical democracy. Guillaume
is still in this chapter of the lecture given by Professor Buisson and
message of thanks to him, which was published in the newspaper.
Closing this volume now published, Guillaume is in Chapter XIII
, resolutions of Neuchâtel, who appointed a commission to create a
newspaper, deciding by the creation of L'Egalite, and other statutes to create the future
Federation Romance, which has adopted a project of Bakunin. Guillaume
published Bakunin's response in support of the newspaper in which the AIT
defends and criticizes the bourgeois socialism; also mentions the French accessions
Malon, Varlin, Reclus, and the letters of Jung and Eccarius
refusal to Marx, who says it is was in poor health and
too busy. Other support came: Germany,
Becker, Italy, Gambuzza and Tucci, Belgium, De Paepe, and an unidentified
support of Spain. Guillaume
concludes the chapter describing the episode of the application to join the Alliance by the TIA;
raises the suspicion of Marx, published a very complimentary letter that Marx wrote to Bakunin
explaining his proposal for "equalization of classes and the
individuals, " and sending it the Alliance program. Meanwhile, the General Council
refused the application for membership of the Alliance, justifying
that another international body within the AIT would tend to disorganize it,
conducting a parallel between this decision and that on the League of Peace and Freedom of
Brussels Congress. Then Guillaume
publishes a letter commenting on the correspondence of Marx Bakunin Jung and asking
avoid the approach that was evidenced between De Paepe and the Alliance.
Spark Publications Libertarian
www.editorafaisca.net
faísca@riseup.net (editor)
vendasfaisca@riseup.net (distributor - Sales)
Friday, August 28, 2009
Can You Get Leather Bracelets At Disneyland
227) Douglas North about open societies
A review of an important book:
Douglass North, John Joseph Wallis, Barry R. Weingast:
Violence and Social Orders - A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History
(Cambridge University Press, 2009)
elites, domination and change
Ricardo Abramovay
Economic Value , 28/08 / 2009
The great advantage of open access societies is adaptive efficiency, which combines power and participation.
is the way they face the problem of violence that societies shape the interaction human and define the forms of their political and economic organization. Over the past ten thousand years, mankind has known mainly two ways to stop the violence. The longest lasting of the order is limited or natural state, typical of much of Mesopotamia to Britain under the Tudors or the Aztec empire. Indeed, it is in societies with limited access to live, even today, 85% of humanity in 175 countries. The central feature of these natural states is that stability comes from a coalition of forces whose members have privileges (in some cases, even rights) special. Military power is dispersed among several groups who renounce their use by establishing agreements to gain in economic activities. But those deals are closed and strictly personal. It is only in the last 150 years that a few companies formed states of open access, in which the processes of social domination are depersonalized and competition in terms of politics and economics paves the way for innovations that result in dramatic improvements in living standards. Ensuing two central questions: which allowed the order formed by natural states emerge societies marked by open access and why this transition was limited to a restricted number of such countries?
At 88 years old and holder of the Nobel Prize Economics 1993, - a reference book that will certainly be in the social sciences of the XXI century.
His starting point is that violence can only be controlled by the elites' interest in forms of economic exploitation that bring them more income than that provided by the use of weapons. It is only in societies open access there is a real monopoly on violence by the state. In the restricted access, violence is scattered and the challenge is to find ways to allow dominant groups to explore opportunities to gain that lead them to forgo their use. The primary means to do so is the restriction of the possibility of forming organizations to a small number of individuals. Hence the deep dependence and promiscuity among private and public organizations, characteristic of societies in closed access.
Until the early nineteenth century, create businesses or form a political organization, for example, was a privilege, the grant came from the state. It was since then, and initially only in three countries (Britain, France and United States), that the elites have undergone universal laws. At the same time, generalization is the ability to create independent organizations and the state is consolidated political control over military power. The monopoly of violence is a consequence and not a precondition for the formation of modern democracies.
The central question the book is: if the elites stabilize their power based on special privileges in customized forms of domination and restrictions on building organizations, how can the states of closed access to the premises to produce a social order supported in an impersonal and opening opportunities for increasingly large segments? The answer is that in societies of closed access, to ensure the prerogatives of the elite organizations whose expansion is needed just requiring the definition not only privileges but also rights of those elites. At the same time, it creates conditions that may broaden the opportunities for gain for larger segments of their own ruling elites, based on competitive processes, which requires a new institutional arrangement, in which depersonalized forms of domination are to be paramount. Democracy and development are neither renunciation of the dominant groups to their interests or they make concessions to the pressures of the masses. Are new forms of domination, where elites are employing organizations and methods of control and impersonal in which exponentially expands the possibility of forming organizations not only to elites, but the whole population.
The book aspires to nothing less than propose a new research agenda for the social sciences, the center of which are the ways in different societies deal with violence. Three important conclusions stand out. Firstly, the development is not just about adding "more capital or a transplant to correct society institutions such as democracy, property rights, markets or laws." Without giving rise to conditions that will, within the groups ruling, interest in opening opportunities for organizations to encourage the prescription of formal democracy (elections, markets, laws, etc..) can backfire. Development involves understanding the culture and history of countries and not formulas. The second conclusion is that open access societies are characterized by strong states, with a prominent intervention in economic life and, above all, the ability to offer bases in impersonal, public goods that contribute to reduce inequality and widen access to opportunities to generate income. Finally, and most importantly, natural states have proved extremely resilient, with its thousands of years, and we can not guarantee that societies open access will continue. But its great advantage is that they have greater adaptive efficiency than any other form of social organization known previously. This is not an uncritical defense of the market economy but a powerful historical analysis of the reasons why the elites extend the legal and organizational bases of their rule to, around, open extraordinarily rich possibilities of participation and social change .
Abramovay Ricardo, is a professor in the Department of Economics, FEA / USP, the coordinator of its Center for Environmental Economics (Nesa), a researcher from CNPq and FAPESP. www.econ.fea.usp.br / Abramovay 
A review of an important book:
Douglass North, John Joseph Wallis, Barry R. Weingast:
Violence and Social Orders - A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History
(Cambridge University Press, 2009)
elites, domination and change
Ricardo Abramovay
Economic Value , 28/08 / 2009
The great advantage of open access societies is adaptive efficiency, which combines power and participation.
is the way they face the problem of violence that societies shape the interaction human and define the forms of their political and economic organization. Over the past ten thousand years, mankind has known mainly two ways to stop the violence. The longest lasting of the order is limited or natural state, typical of much of Mesopotamia to Britain under the Tudors or the Aztec empire. Indeed, it is in societies with limited access to live, even today, 85% of humanity in 175 countries. The central feature of these natural states is that stability comes from a coalition of forces whose members have privileges (in some cases, even rights) special. Military power is dispersed among several groups who renounce their use by establishing agreements to gain in economic activities. But those deals are closed and strictly personal. It is only in the last 150 years that a few companies formed states of open access, in which the processes of social domination are depersonalized and competition in terms of politics and economics paves the way for innovations that result in dramatic improvements in living standards. Ensuing two central questions: which allowed the order formed by natural states emerge societies marked by open access and why this transition was limited to a restricted number of such countries?
At 88 years old and holder of the Nobel Prize Economics 1993, - a reference book that will certainly be in the social sciences of the XXI century.
His starting point is that violence can only be controlled by the elites' interest in forms of economic exploitation that bring them more income than that provided by the use of weapons. It is only in societies open access there is a real monopoly on violence by the state. In the restricted access, violence is scattered and the challenge is to find ways to allow dominant groups to explore opportunities to gain that lead them to forgo their use. The primary means to do so is the restriction of the possibility of forming organizations to a small number of individuals. Hence the deep dependence and promiscuity among private and public organizations, characteristic of societies in closed access.
Until the early nineteenth century, create businesses or form a political organization, for example, was a privilege, the grant came from the state. It was since then, and initially only in three countries (Britain, France and United States), that the elites have undergone universal laws. At the same time, generalization is the ability to create independent organizations and the state is consolidated political control over military power. The monopoly of violence is a consequence and not a precondition for the formation of modern democracies.
The central question the book is: if the elites stabilize their power based on special privileges in customized forms of domination and restrictions on building organizations, how can the states of closed access to the premises to produce a social order supported in an impersonal and opening opportunities for increasingly large segments? The answer is that in societies of closed access, to ensure the prerogatives of the elite organizations whose expansion is needed just requiring the definition not only privileges but also rights of those elites. At the same time, it creates conditions that may broaden the opportunities for gain for larger segments of their own ruling elites, based on competitive processes, which requires a new institutional arrangement, in which depersonalized forms of domination are to be paramount. Democracy and development are neither renunciation of the dominant groups to their interests or they make concessions to the pressures of the masses. Are new forms of domination, where elites are employing organizations and methods of control and impersonal in which exponentially expands the possibility of forming organizations not only to elites, but the whole population.
The book aspires to nothing less than propose a new research agenda for the social sciences, the center of which are the ways in different societies deal with violence. Three important conclusions stand out. Firstly, the development is not just about adding "more capital or a transplant to correct society institutions such as democracy, property rights, markets or laws." Without giving rise to conditions that will, within the groups ruling, interest in opening opportunities for organizations to encourage the prescription of formal democracy (elections, markets, laws, etc..) can backfire. Development involves understanding the culture and history of countries and not formulas. The second conclusion is that open access societies are characterized by strong states, with a prominent intervention in economic life and, above all, the ability to offer bases in impersonal, public goods that contribute to reduce inequality and widen access to opportunities to generate income. Finally, and most importantly, natural states have proved extremely resilient, with its thousands of years, and we can not guarantee that societies open access will continue. But its great advantage is that they have greater adaptive efficiency than any other form of social organization known previously. This is not an uncritical defense of the market economy but a powerful historical analysis of the reasons why the elites extend the legal and organizational bases of their rule to, around, open extraordinarily rich possibilities of participation and social change .
Abramovay Ricardo, is a professor in the Department of Economics, FEA / USP, the coordinator of its Center for Environmental Economics (Nesa), a researcher from CNPq and FAPESP. www.econ.fea.usp.br / Abramovay
Wednesday, August 26, 2009
Memorial Plaque Sample Words
226) International Economic Integration
Dennis MP McCarthy
International Economic Integration in Historical Perspective
New York: Routledge, 2006. xii + 254 pp. $160 (hardcover),
ISBN: 978-0-415-77027-9.
Reviewed for EH.NET by John R. Hanson II, Department of Economics, Texas A&M University.
This is a vague title because there are many historical perspectives one could take on globalization today. The proliferation in recent times of econometric work based on the principle of the economic integration of world commodity markets in the past is one such. This is a leading approach today, as a perusal of recent issues of the leading economic history journals indicates. Another approach, allied to the first, is statistically descriptive. What actually were the magnitudes of international flows of capital, goods, and labor in the past? This is also a common approach today, although less so than the other. Both are in the tradition of what used to be called the New Economic History.
The volume under review, however, is pure Old Economic History. It is largely non-statistical, non-theoretical and proffers conclusions based on the expertise of the author gleaned from qualitative sources. Though empirically based, it does not truck with modern studies, especially not the abundance of econometric ones published by Jeffrey Williamson and his associates in obvious outlets. It has, on the contrary, the air of wisdom gained from a lifetime of study of certain historical events and episodes in international economic integration. The question is whether such a treatment of various unconnected topics falling under the general rubric of international integration adds much to our understanding of today or of the past. Another question is whether this work belongs to the “lessons from history” genre of historical writing or the “historical roots of the present world” genre. The author seems to want membership in both. Either way, I learned something, but not much which sheds light on the present, either as guide to policy or roots of the current situation.
After an introduction which tries to define or give coherence to the body of the work, the author presents a series of chapters about internationalization in the past. These include chapters on colonial empires, merchant associations, religious empires, criminal empires, free trade areas, customs unions, and common markets, all in 194 pages of text. Obviously the discussions of each are cursory, but on those subjects with which I am familiar I found the author’s discussion and opinions well-grounded and to the point. So as an informative introduction for undergraduates to some interesting and sometimes neglected international history I was not disappointed. But what does it all mean?
For example, the author portrays most of this as the back story to the modern world, which is generally true. Modern globalization does not arise from a vacuum. The institutions described represent or are implied to represent the connection-building which let modern globalization flourish. Leaving aside the glaring omission of multinational enterprise, which the author apologizes for, it is not made clear what precisely the contribution of any of these things was to the present. Criminal empires? What does modern globalization have to do with the Mafia? What we get is a discussion of how the Mafia operates, period. There is no discussion of it as a model for the international drug trade, which is only briefly referenced, or anything else. This lack of close linkage of historical topics to present conditions is disguised by the author’s frequent use of the word “panorama” to describe what I would call his arbitrary (but not uninteresting) collection of episodes about international economic contact in the past.
As for lessons learned from study of these episodes, there is little of interest. The summary at the end continues the effort begun in the introduction to unify the disparate topics, but it can hardly be considered a guide to modern policy. Again, the “lessons learned” seem unique to the event which produced the “lessons.” The author needs to show in more detail what the moral of his tales is -- the takeaway (as my students like to say). My takeaway is the impression of a failed effort to bring modern pertinence to some very interesting historical material.
John R. Hanson II is Professor of Economics at Texas A&M University and Stipendiary Fellow of the Glasscock Center for the Humanities at Texas A&M. Among his publications are "Proxies in the New Political Economy: Caveat Emptor" _Economic Inquiry_, October, 2003. He is at work on denominational issues in the colonial American money supply.
Copyright (c) 2009 by EH.Net. All rights reserved. This work may be copied for non-profit educational uses if proper credit is given to the author and the list. For other permission, please contact the EH.Net Administrator (administrator@eh.net). Published by EH.Net (June 2009). All EH.Net reviews are archived at http://www.eh.net/BookReview.
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------------ EH.NET BOOK REVIEW --------------
Published by EH.NET (June 2009) 
Dennis MP McCarthy
International Economic Integration in Historical Perspective
New York: Routledge, 2006. xii + 254 pp. $160 (hardcover),
ISBN: 978-0-415-77027-9.
Reviewed for EH.NET by John R. Hanson II, Department of Economics, Texas A&M University.
This is a vague title because there are many historical perspectives one could take on globalization today. The proliferation in recent times of econometric work based on the principle of the economic integration of world commodity markets in the past is one such. This is a leading approach today, as a perusal of recent issues of the leading economic history journals indicates. Another approach, allied to the first, is statistically descriptive. What actually were the magnitudes of international flows of capital, goods, and labor in the past? This is also a common approach today, although less so than the other. Both are in the tradition of what used to be called the New Economic History.
The volume under review, however, is pure Old Economic History. It is largely non-statistical, non-theoretical and proffers conclusions based on the expertise of the author gleaned from qualitative sources. Though empirically based, it does not truck with modern studies, especially not the abundance of econometric ones published by Jeffrey Williamson and his associates in obvious outlets. It has, on the contrary, the air of wisdom gained from a lifetime of study of certain historical events and episodes in international economic integration. The question is whether such a treatment of various unconnected topics falling under the general rubric of international integration adds much to our understanding of today or of the past. Another question is whether this work belongs to the “lessons from history” genre of historical writing or the “historical roots of the present world” genre. The author seems to want membership in both. Either way, I learned something, but not much which sheds light on the present, either as guide to policy or roots of the current situation.
After an introduction which tries to define or give coherence to the body of the work, the author presents a series of chapters about internationalization in the past. These include chapters on colonial empires, merchant associations, religious empires, criminal empires, free trade areas, customs unions, and common markets, all in 194 pages of text. Obviously the discussions of each are cursory, but on those subjects with which I am familiar I found the author’s discussion and opinions well-grounded and to the point. So as an informative introduction for undergraduates to some interesting and sometimes neglected international history I was not disappointed. But what does it all mean?
For example, the author portrays most of this as the back story to the modern world, which is generally true. Modern globalization does not arise from a vacuum. The institutions described represent or are implied to represent the connection-building which let modern globalization flourish. Leaving aside the glaring omission of multinational enterprise, which the author apologizes for, it is not made clear what precisely the contribution of any of these things was to the present. Criminal empires? What does modern globalization have to do with the Mafia? What we get is a discussion of how the Mafia operates, period. There is no discussion of it as a model for the international drug trade, which is only briefly referenced, or anything else. This lack of close linkage of historical topics to present conditions is disguised by the author’s frequent use of the word “panorama” to describe what I would call his arbitrary (but not uninteresting) collection of episodes about international economic contact in the past.
As for lessons learned from study of these episodes, there is little of interest. The summary at the end continues the effort begun in the introduction to unify the disparate topics, but it can hardly be considered a guide to modern policy. Again, the “lessons learned” seem unique to the event which produced the “lessons.” The author needs to show in more detail what the moral of his tales is -- the takeaway (as my students like to say). My takeaway is the impression of a failed effort to bring modern pertinence to some very interesting historical material.
John R. Hanson II is Professor of Economics at Texas A&M University and Stipendiary Fellow of the Glasscock Center for the Humanities at Texas A&M. Among his publications are "Proxies in the New Political Economy: Caveat Emptor" _Economic Inquiry_, October, 2003. He is at work on denominational issues in the colonial American money supply.
Copyright (c) 2009 by EH.Net. All rights reserved. This work may be copied for non-profit educational uses if proper credit is given to the author and the list. For other permission, please contact the EH.Net Administrator (administrator@eh.net). Published by EH.Net (June 2009). All EH.Net reviews are archived at http://www.eh.net/BookReview.
-------------- FOOTER TO EH.NET BOOK REVIEW --------------
EH.Net-Review mailing list
EH.Net-Review@eh.net
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Published by EH.NET (June 2009)
Monday, August 24, 2009
Cheats Lifetime Awards
225) Basic Education in Brazil: important book
The importance of education
Fabio Giambiagi
Valor Econômico, 08/24/2009
We just published the book Basic Education in Brazil (Campus / Elsevier), with 12 chapters, including a Nobel Prize in Economics in 2000, Professor James Heckman, who honored us with the co-author of an article written with great teachers Araujo Cunha and Moura. As I was only one of four organizers and the merits of the book fit to authors who have written excellent chapters, feel free to compliment the content. I think that those interested can read the pages in a diagnosis and a screenplay about the challenges faced by the Brazilian education. The major contribution of the book is to show what is being done in new and beginning to reveal the first results in this area in Brazil and worldwide. Chapters such as Fernandes, Gremaud, highlighting the role of evaluation and improvement of indicators; de Menezes-Filho and Ribeiro on the determinants of improved academic performance; M. Neri about how education is perceived by the population, and C . Ferraz about the experiences of SP and EP, with the adoption of performance incentives in the remuneration of teachers, without prejudice to other chapters that do not no space to summarize, point to promising avenues for future occurrence of new advances in the field. As in many other areas in Brazil, there were improvements, but there is an arduous task ahead.
The importance of education can be measured by data from one of the chapters, written by C. Moura Castro. In it, shows that in Brazil, individuals with primary education earn around 2 times what he earns an individual with no schooling, those who have completed high school receive a third (third) more than those who only have fundamental, and graduates with higher education have incomes equal to more than 3.5 times that of those with only high school. Study is therefore important for the country and for individuals, therefore, in general, the higher education are associated with higher levels of income and welfare.
Brazil is delayed, historically, relative to other countries or had already done its homework in this area long ago - like the U.S. - or is intensely devoted to education in recent decades - especially in some Asian countries. F. Barbosa Filho and S. People showed that at the beginning of the current decade, the average number of schooling of the economically active population of English-speaking countries, especially the U.S., was twice that Brazil.
The table, drawn in the first chapter of the book, authored by Professor F Veloso, supplements this information by decomposing the given percentage of the population aged 25 and older with high school. Despite advances in recent years, Brazil ranks poorly in the photo. In the whole population, the indicator is already compelling: while only 30% of the adult population has completed high school in Brazil, the percentage reaches levels of 80% to 90% in Germany or the USA. Yet it is in progress over time most noticeable on our delay, when comparing the percentage of those who completed high school between groups specific population. One measure is to compare this indicator for two age groups: the 25-34 years and 55-64 years. That indicates the degree of education of youth, while the latter shows a photograph of the young group that was three decades before. It's a way to measure the progress of a country and between generations. Look at what happened with Spain: the group of 55 to 64 years, only 27% have completed high school, but among the younger, the percentage reaches 64%. No wonder that Spain is only a pale reminder of the country 70 years. In Chile - which has experienced great progress in the last 30 years - these percentages are 32% and 64% respectively. And what is most striking: not only the elderly in South Korea have similar levels of education to young people in Brazil today, but - astonishingly - the percentage of youngsters who have completed high school in Korea reached incredible 97%.
Fabiana de Felicio presents other data to compose the picture: the completion rate for primary education to 16 years old in Brazil was 61% in 2007, which is little. On the other hand, was only 34% in 1997. At the same time, average schooling for persons aged 15 and over was 7 years in 2007, which also is unusual, that this information, however, comes with two good news: The first is that there was a significant improvement since the number of years of study of this group was 5 in 1987 and the second is that the range of 15 to 30 years had reached nine years of study in 2007.
The framework generally portrayed in the various chapters - that we can not expose in detail, but it may be better understood by reading the book - progress is slow but gradual, accentuated in the last 15 years. If the effort devoted to the theme - administrations of merit shared by Paulo Renato de Souza Cardoso under and Fernando Haddad in Lula's government - is maintained, Brazil in a few decades could be better than the country in which we played live. We can only hope that there continuing this progress and, preferably, they will accelerate in the next decade.
Fabio Giambiagi is an economist, writes monthly on Monday. 
The importance of education
Fabio Giambiagi
Valor Econômico, 08/24/2009
We just published the book Basic Education in Brazil (Campus / Elsevier), with 12 chapters, including a Nobel Prize in Economics in 2000, Professor James Heckman, who honored us with the co-author of an article written with great teachers Araujo Cunha and Moura. As I was only one of four organizers and the merits of the book fit to authors who have written excellent chapters, feel free to compliment the content. I think that those interested can read the pages in a diagnosis and a screenplay about the challenges faced by the Brazilian education. The major contribution of the book is to show what is being done in new and beginning to reveal the first results in this area in Brazil and worldwide. Chapters such as Fernandes, Gremaud, highlighting the role of evaluation and improvement of indicators; de Menezes-Filho and Ribeiro on the determinants of improved academic performance; M. Neri about how education is perceived by the population, and C . Ferraz about the experiences of SP and EP, with the adoption of performance incentives in the remuneration of teachers, without prejudice to other chapters that do not no space to summarize, point to promising avenues for future occurrence of new advances in the field. As in many other areas in Brazil, there were improvements, but there is an arduous task ahead.
The importance of education can be measured by data from one of the chapters, written by C. Moura Castro. In it, shows that in Brazil, individuals with primary education earn around 2 times what he earns an individual with no schooling, those who have completed high school receive a third (third) more than those who only have fundamental, and graduates with higher education have incomes equal to more than 3.5 times that of those with only high school. Study is therefore important for the country and for individuals, therefore, in general, the higher education are associated with higher levels of income and welfare.
Brazil is delayed, historically, relative to other countries or had already done its homework in this area long ago - like the U.S. - or is intensely devoted to education in recent decades - especially in some Asian countries. F. Barbosa Filho and S. People showed that at the beginning of the current decade, the average number of schooling of the economically active population of English-speaking countries, especially the U.S., was twice that Brazil.
The table, drawn in the first chapter of the book, authored by Professor F Veloso, supplements this information by decomposing the given percentage of the population aged 25 and older with high school. Despite advances in recent years, Brazil ranks poorly in the photo. In the whole population, the indicator is already compelling: while only 30% of the adult population has completed high school in Brazil, the percentage reaches levels of 80% to 90% in Germany or the USA. Yet it is in progress over time most noticeable on our delay, when comparing the percentage of those who completed high school between groups specific population. One measure is to compare this indicator for two age groups: the 25-34 years and 55-64 years. That indicates the degree of education of youth, while the latter shows a photograph of the young group that was three decades before. It's a way to measure the progress of a country and between generations. Look at what happened with Spain: the group of 55 to 64 years, only 27% have completed high school, but among the younger, the percentage reaches 64%. No wonder that Spain is only a pale reminder of the country 70 years. In Chile - which has experienced great progress in the last 30 years - these percentages are 32% and 64% respectively. And what is most striking: not only the elderly in South Korea have similar levels of education to young people in Brazil today, but - astonishingly - the percentage of youngsters who have completed high school in Korea reached incredible 97%.
Fabiana de Felicio presents other data to compose the picture: the completion rate for primary education to 16 years old in Brazil was 61% in 2007, which is little. On the other hand, was only 34% in 1997. At the same time, average schooling for persons aged 15 and over was 7 years in 2007, which also is unusual, that this information, however, comes with two good news: The first is that there was a significant improvement since the number of years of study of this group was 5 in 1987 and the second is that the range of 15 to 30 years had reached nine years of study in 2007.
The framework generally portrayed in the various chapters - that we can not expose in detail, but it may be better understood by reading the book - progress is slow but gradual, accentuated in the last 15 years. If the effort devoted to the theme - administrations of merit shared by Paulo Renato de Souza Cardoso under and Fernando Haddad in Lula's government - is maintained, Brazil in a few decades could be better than the country in which we played live. We can only hope that there continuing this progress and, preferably, they will accelerate in the next decade.
Fabio Giambiagi is an economist, writes monthly on Monday.
Friday, August 14, 2009
Inviting Friends For Marriage
224) Engels: the angel of Marx gauche
The biography of Friedrich Engels
A very special business angel
The self-effacing friend who enabled "Das Kapital" to be written
Tristram Hunt:
Marx's General: The Revolutionary Life of Friedrich Engels
Metropolitan Books, 448 pages, $ 32
Published in Britain the
The Frock-Coated Communist: The Revolutionary Life of Friedrich Engels
Allen Lane, £ 25
WHEN the financial crisis took off last autumn, Karl Marx’s “Das Kapital”, originally published in 1867, whooshed up bestseller lists. The first book to describe the relentless, all-consuming and global nature of capitalism had suddenly gained new meaning. But Marx had never really gone away, whereas Friedrich Engels—the man who worked hand in glove with him for most of his life and made a huge contribution to “Das Kapital”—is almost forgotten. A new biography by a British historian, Tristram Hunt, makes a good case for giving him greater credit.
The two men became friends in Paris in 1844 when both were in their mid-20s, and remained extremely close until Marx died in 1883. Both were Rhinelanders (our picture shows Engels standing behind Marx in the press room of Rheinische Zeitung which they edited jointly) but came from very different backgrounds: Marx’s father was a Jewish lawyer turned Christian; Engels’s a prosperous Protestant cotton-mill owner. Marx studied law, then philosophy; Engels, the black sheep of his family, was sent to work in the family business at 17. While doing his military service in 1841 in Berlin, he was exposed to the ferment of ideas swirling around the Prussian capital.
Next, he went to work for the Manchester branch of the family business, Ermen & Engels. Manchester’s “cottonopolis” in the mid-19th century was a manufacturer’s heaven and a working man’s hell, and it provided an invaluable lesson for Engels: that economic factors were the basic cause of the clash between different classes of society. By 1845, when he was just 24, he had not only learnt how to be a successful capitalist; he had also written a coruscatingly anti-capitalist work, “The Condition of the Working Class in England”, which charted the inhumanity of modern methods of production in minute detail.
Engels left Manchester to work with Marx on the “Communist Manifesto” and the two of them spent the late 1840s criss-crossing Europe to chase the continental revolutions of the time, ending up in England. Marx had started work on “Das Kapital”, but there was a problem. He had by then acquired an aristocratic German wife, a clutch of small children and aspirations for a comfortable bourgeois lifestyle, but no means of support.
Engels (whose name resembles the word for “angel” in German) offered an astoundingly big-hearted solution: he would go back to Manchester to resume life in the detested family cotton business and provide Marx with the money he needed to write his world-changing treatise. For the next 20 years Engels worked grumpily away, handing over half his generous income to an ever more demanding Marx. He also collaborated intensively on the great work, contributing many ideas, practical examples from business and much-needed editorial attention. When at last volume I of “Das Kapital” was finished, he extricated himself from the business and moved to London to be near the Marx family, enjoying life as an Economist-reading rentier and intellectual.
Engels was an enigma. Gifted, energetic and fascinated by political ideas, he was nevertheless ready to play second fiddle to Marx. “Marx was a genius; we others were at best talented,” he declared after his friend’s death. Mr Hunt does a brilliant job of setting the two men’s endeavours in the context of the political, social and philosophical currents at the time. It makes for a complex story that can be hard to follow but is well worth persevering with.
Tall and handsome, Engels had a taste not just for ideas but for the good life—wine, women, riding with the Cheshire hunt—and seems to have felt little sense of irony that all these things were paid for by the proletariat’s back-breaking labour. His domestic life was much more unconventional than Marx’s. He lived, on and off, with a semi-literate Irish working-class girl, Mary Burns; then, when she died, with her sister, Lizzy, whom he married only on her deathbed. He had no children, though he chivalrously took responsibility for a boy whom Marx had fathered with a housekeeper.
Engels’s sacrifices continued after Marx’s death. He not only carried on funding the Marx family and their various hangers-on, but also spent years pulling together the chaotic notes Marx left behind for volumes II and III of “Das Kapital”. Inevitably there were lots of loose ends which Engels tied up as he saw fit, and sometimes the results were more revolutionary than the author may have intended. In volume III, where Marx discussed the tendency of companies’ profitability to fall and noted that this might lead to the “shaking” of capitalist production, Engels substituted the word “collapse”, opening up the text to much more radical interpretations by 20th-century Marxists.
When Engels died in 1895, he eschewed London’s Highgate cemetery where his friend was laid to rest. Self-effacing to the last, he had his ashes scattered off England’s coast at Eastbourne—the scene of happy holidays with the Marxes. 
The biography of Friedrich Engels
A very special business angel
The self-effacing friend who enabled "Das Kapital" to be written
Tristram Hunt:
Marx's General: The Revolutionary Life of Friedrich Engels
Metropolitan Books, 448 pages, $ 32
Published in Britain the
The Frock-Coated Communist: The Revolutionary Life of Friedrich Engels
Allen Lane, £ 25
WHEN the financial crisis took off last autumn, Karl Marx’s “Das Kapital”, originally published in 1867, whooshed up bestseller lists. The first book to describe the relentless, all-consuming and global nature of capitalism had suddenly gained new meaning. But Marx had never really gone away, whereas Friedrich Engels—the man who worked hand in glove with him for most of his life and made a huge contribution to “Das Kapital”—is almost forgotten. A new biography by a British historian, Tristram Hunt, makes a good case for giving him greater credit.
The two men became friends in Paris in 1844 when both were in their mid-20s, and remained extremely close until Marx died in 1883. Both were Rhinelanders (our picture shows Engels standing behind Marx in the press room of Rheinische Zeitung which they edited jointly) but came from very different backgrounds: Marx’s father was a Jewish lawyer turned Christian; Engels’s a prosperous Protestant cotton-mill owner. Marx studied law, then philosophy; Engels, the black sheep of his family, was sent to work in the family business at 17. While doing his military service in 1841 in Berlin, he was exposed to the ferment of ideas swirling around the Prussian capital.
Next, he went to work for the Manchester branch of the family business, Ermen & Engels. Manchester’s “cottonopolis” in the mid-19th century was a manufacturer’s heaven and a working man’s hell, and it provided an invaluable lesson for Engels: that economic factors were the basic cause of the clash between different classes of society. By 1845, when he was just 24, he had not only learnt how to be a successful capitalist; he had also written a coruscatingly anti-capitalist work, “The Condition of the Working Class in England”, which charted the inhumanity of modern methods of production in minute detail.
Engels left Manchester to work with Marx on the “Communist Manifesto” and the two of them spent the late 1840s criss-crossing Europe to chase the continental revolutions of the time, ending up in England. Marx had started work on “Das Kapital”, but there was a problem. He had by then acquired an aristocratic German wife, a clutch of small children and aspirations for a comfortable bourgeois lifestyle, but no means of support.
Engels (whose name resembles the word for “angel” in German) offered an astoundingly big-hearted solution: he would go back to Manchester to resume life in the detested family cotton business and provide Marx with the money he needed to write his world-changing treatise. For the next 20 years Engels worked grumpily away, handing over half his generous income to an ever more demanding Marx. He also collaborated intensively on the great work, contributing many ideas, practical examples from business and much-needed editorial attention. When at last volume I of “Das Kapital” was finished, he extricated himself from the business and moved to London to be near the Marx family, enjoying life as an Economist-reading rentier and intellectual.
Engels was an enigma. Gifted, energetic and fascinated by political ideas, he was nevertheless ready to play second fiddle to Marx. “Marx was a genius; we others were at best talented,” he declared after his friend’s death. Mr Hunt does a brilliant job of setting the two men’s endeavours in the context of the political, social and philosophical currents at the time. It makes for a complex story that can be hard to follow but is well worth persevering with.
Tall and handsome, Engels had a taste not just for ideas but for the good life—wine, women, riding with the Cheshire hunt—and seems to have felt little sense of irony that all these things were paid for by the proletariat’s back-breaking labour. His domestic life was much more unconventional than Marx’s. He lived, on and off, with a semi-literate Irish working-class girl, Mary Burns; then, when she died, with her sister, Lizzy, whom he married only on her deathbed. He had no children, though he chivalrously took responsibility for a boy whom Marx had fathered with a housekeeper.
Engels’s sacrifices continued after Marx’s death. He not only carried on funding the Marx family and their various hangers-on, but also spent years pulling together the chaotic notes Marx left behind for volumes II and III of “Das Kapital”. Inevitably there were lots of loose ends which Engels tied up as he saw fit, and sometimes the results were more revolutionary than the author may have intended. In volume III, where Marx discussed the tendency of companies’ profitability to fall and noted that this might lead to the “shaking” of capitalist production, Engels substituted the word “collapse”, opening up the text to much more radical interpretations by 20th-century Marxists.
When Engels died in 1895, he eschewed London’s Highgate cemetery where his friend was laid to rest. Self-effacing to the last, he had his ashes scattered off England’s coast at Eastbourne—the scene of happy holidays with the Marxes.
Thursday, June 25, 2009
Friday, May 22, 2009
Can Dogs See Infrared
Sargent Sex Garden Here you have in your tour pequeninos
May 9 and May 8 Guadalajara Toledo
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Sean Cody Is Using Drm
March 17, 2009 Feria de Madrid, Calz exhibition of art.
The play "Cinderella" finalist.
Thursday, March 5, 2009
Difference Between Bengali And Pakistani Weddings
Sex Garden concert a special session
A session with a very special man, who just turned
its first month of life.
Ivan and his mother.
Saturday, February 28, 2009
Knee Reconstruction Epsom Salts
My work is on exhibition from 4 º Calz-Art! A bit of everything
In the 4 th Competition Calz-Arts between 274 photographers and about 400 works the jury
Competition has chosen 40 works of 39 photographers for the exhibition. IFMA
be held in Madrid on 17 March.
Me and my work "Cinderella" are among the 39 photographers and 40 works!
Happy! We'll be there!
In the 4 th Competition Calz-Arts between 274 photographers and about 400 works the jury Competition has chosen 40 works of 39 photographers for the exhibition. IFMA
be held in Madrid on 17 March.
Me and my work "Cinderella" are among the 39 photographers and 40 works!
Happy! We'll be there!
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