228) Anarchism is also culture
Excellent summaries of historical books anarchists, painstakingly translated and published in Brazil by the Anarchist Federation.
I do not know why, but when I see these texts anarchists, and all the buzz that the tiny handful of anarchists (in any country) leads to support their ideas and positions, has the impression of being faced with a bunch of kids , short pants, playing top and playing hide and seek. It may be just an impression, of course, but I can not avoid passing it as a reflection of what I think is the activism of the anarchists: a large children's play ...
The Spark is proud to announce three new releases, two of them co-edited with
Imaginary publisher.
SCIENCE AND VITAL ISSUE OF REVOLUTION
Mikhail * $ 18.00 * 96 pages * Imaginary / Spark
ANARCHIST IN BULGARIAN ARMS
Michael Schmidt * $ 8.00 * 80 pages * The Spark
INTERNATIONAL: DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS: VOL. I
James Guillaume * $ 32.00 * 232 pages * Imaginary / Spark
Buy now, by contacting vendasfaisca@riseup.net!
Below is the data and reviews of books.
***
SCIENCE AND VITAL ISSUE OF REVOLUTION
Mikhail * $ 18.00 * 96 pages * Imaginary / Spark
continue to publish, in co-edition with publisher Imaginary
of the main works of Mikhail Bakunin, the greatest exponent of anarchism
classic. In this essay from 1870, Bakunin goes to the Russian youth
in an attempt to contribute to the revolutionary organization in czarist Russia
, denouncing the "socialist rhetoric," according to his own denomination
. The Bakunin explains the context in which it operates its
article:
"After the Decembrists, the liberalism of heroic nobility educated
degenerated into liberalism bookish in doctrinairism more or less scholarly.
Since then, his impotence, of course, has only grown: the verb became
act of courage, spirit speaker, intelligence, the empty word,
eloquence, and the readings, action. The real cause was forgotten, and more,
began to despise it, and the high satisfaction of a metaphysics of self,
consider all revolutionary ideas, all attempts
courageous public protestation as childish bluster. Talk to
knowingly, because in 30 years, Enthusiastic by Hegelianism,
myself that mistake. "
And this way, his proposal differs from revolutionary socialism
a certain "revolutionary verbal", which is characterized more by
eloquence of speech and violence, than the actions actually carried out in practice
. Reflecting on the science and thought, Bakunin
insists on consistency between theory and practice, preaching socialism
a class which necessarily requires an ethical position of
reality to be transformed. Bakunin emphasized in his text:
"Neither science nor thought there have to share, in the abstract;
they only find their expression in the individual; every man is an asset to be indivisible
which can not simultaneously seek a true and accurate in theory
bite the fruit of lies in practice. In all socialist
including the most sincere, they belong - not for his birth (which
still would mean nothing, because many changes can occur
him after his birth), but by its actual condition - to some
privileged class that is, that is, the exploiting classes, you will discover
infallibly this contradiction between thought and life, this contradiction
certainly the stops, the more or less reduce to impotence, and
it can not become a truly sincere and active socialist
but resolutely breaking their ties with the world of privileged
and explorers, and forsaking all the advantages that confers
this world. "
The book also has a great preface to Alexandre Samis.
ANARCHIST IN BULGARIAN ARMS
Michael Schmidt * $ 8.00 * 80 pages * Spark
In this booklet we publish a story written by a militant of the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front
[Front Zabalaza Anarchist Communist], South Africa's
, which is a little known episode of anarchism
among Brazilians. Anarchism in Bulgaria, Bulgarian Anarchism portrayed in
Armas brings the reader the experiences of organization and struggle that took place in
around the Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB) that inspired the controversial
Organizational Platform published by exiled Russian
of Delo Truda in 1926, was able to reorganize the purposes of
anarchism in the 1910s and to make it the third largest force
left the country. The FAKB was responsible for organizing movements
rural and urban workers, and work your way
effective propaganda in the midst of two fascist coups (1923 and 1934) and invested
communists. Alongside this story, we posted the Platform of the Federation of Anarchist Communists
of Bulgaria, 1945 programmatic document that reflects the positions of
FAKB. According to the author:
"The Platform of FAKB comes to crucial issues in terms of tactics and organization
, rejecting the form of a political party, for
she was" sterile and ineffective, unable to respond to targets at
immediate tasks and interests of workers. " Instead, she advocates
"true strength of workers," "the economy and their organizations
economic. Only then is the field in which capitalism can be mined.
Only then is the real class struggle. "For the organization,
FAKB determined that various types of organization of the working class are essential and intertwined
without subordinating one to another:
anarcho-communist ideological organizations, labor unions ,
farmers' unions, cooperatives and cultural organizations and
specific interests, such as youth and women. "
Without doubt, this is a book that will make it possible to know
the experiences of organized anarchism, in other moments of
history, and other parts of the world. The
INTERNATIONAL: DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS: VOL. I
James Guillaume * $ 32.00 * 232 pages * Imaginary / Spark
The publication of this volume, for us, is historical. For many years
translator insisted that we should publish this work of Guillaume,
Somehow, the importance of
Workers International Association (TIA), which became known as First International
and the importance of this work for anarchists, who reports, so
detailed its episodes. We operationalize its publication in several volumes
, whose first release we do now.
The work, which drew partly to the publication of this first volume was printed
originally in four volumes, covering the period from 1864 to 1878
. Was reissued in the 1980s in Switzerland and France, in two large volumes
, each with over 700 pages. This volume is based
an important debate on the AIT which undoubtedly was a major, if not the largest
, events directly involving the working class in nineteenth century
. The documents contained in this volume, and the other
who complete the series, is in itself revealing of the relationships established between
those who dared to create a political sphere from the
economic affinities. And that, in the influx of events, managed to redefine the
political agendas and strategies of European nations in
context of nascent capitalism. The AIT also has a central importance in the history of
anarchism because it was in her womb that the
anarchism as organized collective political practice, has existed. EXCERPT FROM THE INTRODUCTION
EDITORS '
this first volume of the Internationale: documents and memorabilia,
present the beginning of this monumental work of James Guillaume.
Starting the first part of the work, after a brief preface in which the author
explain its origin and content, Guillaume is in Chapter I of the first steps of
International Workers Association (IWA), particularly
, and so well short of its founding in 1864, the General Council
establishment and documentation that determined their general
(statutes and manifest). Based on the facts that
witnessed, Guillaume de la Memoire refers to the Fédération Jurassienne
to treat the beginning of AIT in several cities in Switzerland, so
as the development of ideas, early mobilization and periodicals.
He treats also of the London Conference of 1865, which ruled on the first
Congress 1866.
Guillaume Chapter II deals with this first Congress of the AIT,
held in Geneva, 1866. Using again the Memoire, he discusses the importance of mutual
Parisians in the discussions and the little influence that
Congress had on the Swiss, but mainly, the discussions that took
on the Statute of the AIT. At that time, the AIT was still somewhat
indented, and posed as workers in aggregate goals
an association, without distinction of political or religious, closer to the classes
workers of different countries. A delegation of 60 workers, this
in Congress, represented a significant contingent of workers
of Britain, France, Germany and Switzerland. What was relevant was
more discussion and final adoption of the Statute, which
Guillaume is quite detailed showing even the
differences were in terms of translation from one language to another and
political consequences of these differences. Places, too, as if giving
were concerns about the class character of this association. Among the conclusions
, there is a pointer to the next Congress, taking place in 1867.
The chapter ends with a letter of Marx, who preferred not to go
Congress, dr. Kugelmann, which shows that the program had written
of Londoners, criticizes the French because of the influence of
Proudhon, whom he criticizes significantly, and defends the political path of
transformation.
Chapter III deals with the development of Section Locle
with his 1867 statement against the senseless war between Germany and France, adding that
when the AIT was sufficiently strong, the
workers could refuse wars. It concludes with a satirical article
your published at the time, who mocked the bourgeoisie
treatment that gave the Swiss statement.
In Chapter IV the theme is the second Congress of the AIT, held in Lausanne,
1867. Guillaume uses the "Memoirs of the Congress of Lausanne and Geneva
" to remember this Congress and also the Congress of the League
Peace and Freedom, what happened then in Geneva.
Describes the participants of the Congress of Lausanne and its characteristics, among them
: Walton, Eccarius, Swan, Lessner, Dupont, Chemali, Murat,
Martin, Garbe, Pioley, Reymond, Tanari, Longuet, De Paepe and Kugelmann. He passes
Coullery speeches and arrives at nine
issues that comprised the agenda in Lausanne: the practical means to make AIT
a center of action for the working class, credit banks and popular, the emancipation of the proletariat
and its risks, labor versus capital,
education and women's question, the State and political freedoms.
were relevant in this Congress, the statements of mutualism, federalism,
preaching the end of the wage, recognition of the importance of education
, the relationship between social emancipation and political emancipation and
affirmation of capitalism as a class society divided into
exploiters and exploited. The Congress also took a message to the
Peace Congress in Geneva, decided that the headquarters of the General Council would
in London and Brussels as a city noted for the next Congress.
Chapter V describes the first Congress of the League of Peace and Freedom,
held in Geneva in 1867. Using continuation of document
previous chapter, William recounts the events of this Congress
going through all the hype that revolved around the presence of
Garibaldi and his relationship with the delegates of the AIT. Broadly viewed, the
Congress included a series of speeches, the most expected of the
Garibaldi himself, who said, among other things,
solidarity between nations, the overthrow of the papacy, the religion of God - that justified
as the religion of truth and reason - democracy and right-
slave to wage war against their tyrants. This and other speeches
realized a dispute between the left sections, among which was
socialism of AIT, and other more conservative sectors. The sectors
left asserted the necessity of socialism, society
classes, the evils of religion, this sector which included the announcement of
Bakunin, speaking on the Russian question and federalism, and against
centralization and nationalism. Conservative sectors
denied the class society, were anti-socialist, and had a distaste
in relation to social reforms. The conclusions of the Congress attempted to reconcile
all sectors. Also noteworthy is the speech by De Paepe
on federalism. The chapter ends with a discussion of a version of the Statutes of negligent
AIT published in France.
Chapter VI deals with the rapprochement between the Swiss sections of the AIT, the struggles
the Jura and the alliance between some socialists and conservatives. Guillaume
exposes the relationship of radical Socialists with Democrats; first
tried to approach the second, which, in contrast, considered the first
enemies. Through some articles written for
Diogène, Guillaume reproduces the positions of the Swiss socialist
. Recognizing himself as a radical youth, daughter of
revolutionaries of 1848, these socialists deny that conservatives
might influence the nascent youth. In the final chapter the author discusses the
Coullery alliances with the conservative ex-realists, the creation of
journal La Montagne and the episodes that ended up putting
Coullery in the enemy camp, as an accomplice and agent of the Conservative Party.
having one of the reasons for the conflict was the election issue, the socialist
Locle Swiss decided, from then on, refrain
in all political elections.
Chapter VII gives interesting reports on the strike of civil construction
AIT in Geneva and in Paris. The strike, which erupted in 1868, had major repercussions
; formed into solidarity, when sections of the Geneva
factories supported the construction and corporations
used their strike fund to support the strikers. There
participation of French workers, unlike the British trade unions, which refused
support. Given the intense mobilization of workers genebreses the
bosses conceded to virtually all workers' demands, and Brosset
that was highlighted in the fight - which received a manuscript from Bakunin
, 1871, in his honor, and contained in this chapter. Then Guillaume
discusses the AIT in Paris and the problem the government has resolved to end
in AIT and moved fifteen cases against its members.
The result was that the association in Paris, has ceased to exist
cool, but the members continued connected individually to an international brand
company based in London.
The subject developed in Chapter VIII is the third congress of the AIT,
held in Brussels, 1868. The main act of Congress was to vote on the issue
land ownership, an issue that had already been the subject of discussion in the previous Congress
. Approved the resolution that mines, quarries
, railways, agricultural land, canals, roads and communication
forests must belong to the social collectivity. The Congress also addressed the issue of
production tools and machines, arguing that
they should pass into the hands of workers. Another important discussion
addressed the League of Peace and Freedom, has been decided that this
had no reason to be, and recommending that integrates the AIT, which was signed
in a letter to the Berne Congress of that league. The
Brussels Congress has declared himself against war, recommending that
workers opposed to it, with strike if necessary. Finally,
other six issues were addressed: strikes and societies of resistance,
full instruction, mutual credit, reduction in working hours,
cooperation and, finally, workbooks.
Two main issues are covered in Chapter IX: Second Congress
League for Peace and Freedom and the Alliance in 1868. Guillaume
recounts the consequences that the decision of the AIT had on the league and it's working
that Bakunin was developing inside her, trying to convert her to
socialism. In a letter he wrote to Bakunin Vogt, then president of
League, it's possible to understand their goals and expectations, even finding himself
frustrated with the resolution of the League of AIT, the AIT is with respect and admiration
. At the Congress of the League, in a discussion on the relations of economic and social
issue of peace and freedom,
Bakunin made a speech which, in addition to defend equality, denied communism and statist collectivism
said. Nevertheless, the proposal of the socialists
was rejected. It was also discussed the separation of church and state. At the end of
Congress, a group of 18 socialists - among them Bakunin, Reclus and
Fanelli - separated from the League for disagreeing with their positions
against equality; this group, which was immediately
International Alliance of Socialist Democracy. The Alliance would be as
branch of the AIT, giving some continuity to the project of the Fraternity,
developed by Bakunin in the period he spent in Italy, subject Guillaume
that this approach using a leaflet Russian Bakunin. The author shows both
conceptions of fraternity, as the Alliance,
discussing their relations with the League of Peace and Freedom and then with
AIT.
Chapter X deals with many questions. Begin the steps of Section
Locle and controversy that occurred between the journal and La Voix genebreses of
l'Avenir de Coullery by their management problems and its critics
the two resolutions of the Brussels Congress: first on
collective ownership, by denying this individual property, and second
the resolutions in relation to the League of Peace, which featured controversial
Coullery own arguments and De Paepe, in the book, Guillaume
reproduces the articles in which they gave this thread. Section Locle adhered to the resolutions
Brussels, declaring itself socialist mutual, and voted a message to Democrats socialists
Geneva. Furthermore, the author presents the design
Society Credit Union, of Locle,
granting loans without interest and also the Society of Consumer Affairs, a cooperative
consumption that was to benefit workers, whose first project was
buying a car of potatoes.
Bakunin, his stay in Geneva and the founding of the Alliance are the subject of Chapter XI
. Guillaume starts talking about the influence of Bakunin in Switzerland and the message
Genevan Committee of the AIT and the English, the program
Alliance, in which he defended the freedom and equality and was placed
the necessity of social revolution. For problems with Coullery and La Voix
of l'Avenir, there is the need to create a new journal. The
Sections Geneva undertook to appoint a committee to decide on the new
newspaper and another to do a project for a regulation
Federation of Sections Swiss French-speaking, to be called Romanesque
Federation. Created in Geneva the central bureau of the Alliance, its members decided to find the city
a group of members that in October 1868
was with the names of 85 people, including Germans, Russians, Poles, French and Swiss
, however This initiative ended up not having much success
. Founded, the Alliance sought entry into the AIT. The history
frustrations regarding the electoral terrain has made the Swiss
fully embrace the revolutionary cause.
Guillaume begins Chapter XII dealing with the first activities of the cooperative
consumption. Having accomplished the purchase of two cars of potatoes
, the cooperative made a significant effort to
its distribution among workers, with successful experience, bought and distributed
cheese. Even with the frustrating experiences on the ground
election, the internationalists of Locle
tried a participation in the municipal field, aiming to influence the municipal budget
, taxes and education, called the people to defend their own interests
. This attempt also was unsuccessful, and the
goal of exposing the public what happened in the assembly elections came Le
Progrès, which originated as an organ of radical democracy. Guillaume
is still in this chapter of the lecture given by Professor Buisson and
message of thanks to him, which was published in the newspaper.
Closing this volume now published, Guillaume is in Chapter XIII
, resolutions of Neuchâtel, who appointed a commission to create a
newspaper, deciding by the creation of L'Egalite, and other statutes to create the future
Federation Romance, which has adopted a project of Bakunin. Guillaume
published Bakunin's response in support of the newspaper in which the AIT
defends and criticizes the bourgeois socialism; also mentions the French accessions
Malon, Varlin, Reclus, and the letters of Jung and Eccarius
refusal to Marx, who says it is was in poor health and
too busy. Other support came: Germany,
Becker, Italy, Gambuzza and Tucci, Belgium, De Paepe, and an unidentified
support of Spain. Guillaume
concludes the chapter describing the episode of the application to join the Alliance by the TIA;
raises the suspicion of Marx, published a very complimentary letter that Marx wrote to Bakunin
explaining his proposal for "equalization of classes and the
individuals, " and sending it the Alliance program. Meanwhile, the General Council
refused the application for membership of the Alliance, justifying
that another international body within the AIT would tend to disorganize it,
conducting a parallel between this decision and that on the League of Peace and Freedom of
Brussels Congress. Then Guillaume
publishes a letter commenting on the correspondence of Marx Bakunin Jung and asking
avoid the approach that was evidenced between De Paepe and the Alliance.
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